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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, January 1-6, 1866</text>
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                  <text>Justin Barlow</text>
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                  <text>January 1-6, 1866</text>
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                  <text>The Virginia Legislature discusses legislation requiring whites to take care of the "helpless" freedmen. Congress sends Northern commissioners down to Virginia to report on the status of reconstruction and to ensure progress in the South. White southerners, meanwhile, are angered by what they feel to be an invasion of the South and assert that southerners have nothing but love and respect for African Americans. The physical reconstruction of the South begins as Richmonders start rebuilding the damaged districts of their city. Besides the rebuilding of the damaged areas, white Virginians argue that they need more access to the global economy in order to revive their dying state economy. Virginia's politicians propose the re-unification of Virginia and West Virginia as a means to regain some of Virginians former glory and establish the state as the economic powerhouse of the south.</text>
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              <text>The greatest consternation prevailed in the city last night on account of the killing of Officer Thomas J.McFadden, of the city police, by a negro soldier. As near as we could gather them, the facts are these: Between 9 and 10 o'clock, Officers McFadden, Spaulding, and another, while patrolling they beat on Water street, between Third and Fourth, heard two or three shots fired in what is knows as O'Neil's alley. The officer advanced into the alley to ascertain the cause of the firing, which they to have proceeded from a disreputable negro den about half way up the alley. They started into the house, and were met by a part of negroes, armed and unarmed, who resisted their approach. A general scuffle and shooting ensued between the negroes and officers, during which Thomas J.McFadden was shot through the head with a Spencer rifle ball, and instantly killed. Mr. Spaulding received several contusions upon the head and body, but was not seriously hurt. The negro soldier who shot Officer McFadden was arrested shortly afterwards by Officer Slater. His name is John Berdet, an the had been stationed as a guard at the Government buildings on Second street, between Main and the river. There were several other guards with the murderer. They left their posts and visited the negro house of ill-fame early in the night, and were no doubt drank at the time of the melee. The report of Mr.McFadden's death spread over the city like wildfire, and the police force of the city were incensed to an alarming degree. For a while a disastrous riot seemed inevitable, but, luckily the excitement subsided before nay of the negroes were caught. Almost the entire police force rallied to the neighborhood of the murder, and up to twelve o'clock they had made ten arrests, all negroes, seven men and three women. With the exception of the negro soldier, Berdet, the parties arrested were those living in the house where McFadden was killed. General Palmer promptly detailed extra guards from the Second United States Infantry to aid the police in patrolling the city and apprehending the negro soldiers. We could not learn whether the guards had captured any of the negro soldiers or not, but it is probably that all of them will be caught. This diabolical case demands immediate action, and we trust there will be no useless ceremony in bringing the guilty to justice. The body of Officer McFadden was removed to the police office by his fellow-officers, and the Coroner summoned to hold an inquest. We will furnish additional particular to-morrow.</text>
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                <text>1866-01-04</text>
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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, January 15-20, 1866</text>
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                  <text>Troops continue to withdraw from the South and a sense of normalcy returns to the lives of Virginians. The District of Columbia considers an African American suffrage bill that southerners believe to be flawed in principle. Politicians, the paper claims, had been bullied into supporting the suffrage movement by the federal government. White Virginians believe that Republican policies stand in the way of their prosperity. White Virginians demand that the federal government lessen the restrictions placed on the South in order to achieve the economic prosperity that Virginia had enjoyed before the war.</text>
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              <text>One of the objects which General Lee had in view in his recent visit to Richmond is said to have been to procure the assistance of the Legislature in obtaining for Washington College the benefit of the act of Congress donating public lands to "industrial educational institutions." The Governor of Virginia had recommended the act of Congress to the attention of the Legislature in his annual message ; and many schools and colleges, not only in this State, but throughout the South, were initiating measured for the purpose of securing to themselves the benefit of that act. They may all cease their efforts in this direction. The following paragraph from the Washington Chronicle of Saturday, shows that they are "headed off": "Mr.Kerr's bill, which gives to the Southern States the benefits of the act donating public lands for industrial colleges, had been reported back from the House Committee on Agriculture with an amendment- a provision that no person shall be excluded from the benefits of such schools on account of race or color."</text>
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                <text>1866-01-22</text>
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                  <text>Important decisions to be made are debated and slow to be agreed upon. The South opposes the Reconstruction plan of the Radicals, deciding it ridiculous to believe they could accept the conditions of the new amendment proposed. The plan would outlaw voting and representation in Congress for those loyal to the Confederacy; there was no way the North could inflexibly force these new laws on Southerners, especially Virginians. The white South realizes that it will need to compromise- the Radicals will not enable former Confederates to vote in the upcoming presidential election unless they accept the new constitution. Robert E. Lee reports that the South would be more accepting of defeat with a more moderate and balanced reconstruction plan, especially Johnson's. The President's lenient policy is based on securing political honesty and abandoning the former treatment of blacks in the South. According to Lee, he is not asking for a swarm of black voters, but simply a realistic strategy for reuniting the Union, opening the doors of Congress for the South. This plan by Johnson provokes criticism from Radicals. The Ladies of Richmond focus on honoring and providing funds for injured and fallen Confederate soldiers while newly emancipated blacks struggle to find employment, food, shelter and other means of survival. Out of desperation, they are often left with no choice but to partake in criminal activity. The Freedmen's Bureau, African-American churches, and other black organizations in Virginia fight to get off the ground, uniting blacks and earning respect in the community. Racial tension and violence still continues throughout the South; riots appear to be coming to a close in Memphis where every single black church has been burned.</text>
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              <text>General Lee's Testimony- The True Policy to be Pursued Toward the South. From the London Times, April 19. The utmost that can reasonably be expected from a people situated like the Virginians is such a political conformity as General Lee declared to exist. It is barely twelve months since these men were engaged in one of the most desperate wars of modern times- a war fought out to "the bitter end " with every circumstance of passion and fury. To expect that they should now look with positive affection on their conquerors, condemn their most eminent countrymen as traitors, and repudiate as abominable the principles for which they sacrificed their fortunes and staked their lives, is beyond all reason. It is enough if they know themselves beaten, if they accept the results without reserve, if they cherish no idea of deferred rebellion, and if they are prepared to return to their former position with a resolution to perform all their duties as citizens, and with a readiness to receive the warmer impressions which time and intercourse may bring. These are actually the feelings with which General Lee describes them as now animated. More, it must be evident, could not be expected; but if more is desired, it is manifest that the result can only be secured by that very policy -which the President has avowed, and which the Radicals are so fanatically opposing. If something is still to be done- as nobody need deny- before a Virginian can look upon the Union as he looked ten years ago, it can only be accomplished, as General Lee affirmed, by liberal and conciliatory conduct on the part of the Government. If passive acquiescence is to be converted into cordial sympathy, it must be by kind and generous treatment. The policy of the Radicals is stultified by their own professions. They pretend to desire a more sympathizing South than they have already got, and then, to improve the Southern feeling, they propose to inflict political disgrace on the Southern people. They pronounce them to be still disaffected, or not sufficiently well affected, and by way of conciliating them would condemn them to alienation and outlawry. Such a policy stands self-convicted, for its only result must be to make bad worse. It is not probable that a Virginian looks upon the Government of the Union exactly like a New Englander: no reasonable person would expect that lie should do so. It is enough for the purposes of prudent reconstruction if the States lately in secession have abandoned all ideas of independence, and are prepared to make the best of their position as members of the Union once more. The rest must necessarily be a work of time; but it will be accomplished most speedily, as well as most surely, through such a policy as the President now advocates. He does not desire to swamp the South with a swarm of black voters, nor to place the negro in a position of invidious and perilous antagonism toward the white man. He asks only for simple professions of political honesty. He stipulates that the Southern States shall forego their views of secession, acknowledge and confirm the abolition of slavery now and forever, deal fairly with the enfranchised slaves, and repudiate the debt contracted for the purpose of the rebellion. To these conditions they are willing to assent, and the President would open the doors of Congress to them, and so restore the Union. hut his opponents desire, or profess to desire, we may collect from the examination to which General Lee was subjected. They demand impossibilities; for it is simply absurd to require that the South should humbly and thankfully kiss the rod after the fashion they prescribe. The policy of the President, on the other hand, is a policy not only of moderation, but of promise. It bids fair to bring back the South to those sentiments of perfect concord which the Radicals pretend to demand. It is General Lee's opinion that such a policy, aided by the indispensable co-operation of time, will really produce this effect; but it needs no argument to show that a policy of provocation and oppression, continued after victory, must intensify and perpetuate that very hostility which it is intended to extinguish.</text>
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                  <text>Important decisions to be made are debated and slow to be agreed upon. The South opposes the Reconstruction plan of the Radicals, deciding it ridiculous to believe they could accept the conditions of the new amendment proposed. The plan would outlaw voting and representation in Congress for those loyal to the Confederacy; there was no way the North could inflexibly force these new laws on Southerners, especially Virginians. The white South realizes that it will need to compromise- the Radicals will not enable former Confederates to vote in the upcoming presidential election unless they accept the new constitution. Robert E. Lee reports that the South would be more accepting of defeat with a more moderate and balanced reconstruction plan, especially Johnson's. The President's lenient policy is based on securing political honesty and abandoning the former treatment of blacks in the South. According to Lee, he is not asking for a swarm of black voters, but simply a realistic strategy for reuniting the Union, opening the doors of Congress for the South. This plan by Johnson provokes criticism from Radicals. The Ladies of Richmond focus on honoring and providing funds for injured and fallen Confederate soldiers while newly emancipated blacks struggle to find employment, food, shelter and other means of survival. Out of desperation, they are often left with no choice but to partake in criminal activity. The Freedmen's Bureau, African-American churches, and other black organizations in Virginia fight to get off the ground, uniting blacks and earning respect in the community. Racial tension and violence still continues throughout the South; riots appear to be coming to a close in Memphis where every single black church has been burned.</text>
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              <text>Details of the Riot in Memphis between the Whites and Blacks. From the Memphis Argus, May 2. The riot in South Memphis yesterday began by two policemen going to arrest a man who sold liquor in South Memphis. The negro soldiers who were yesterday mastered out of service, and had been patronizing the drinking saloon, charged the two police, killing one. The other collected almost fifteen of his comrades, who went down to rescue their companion, but were again repulsed by the negro force. The police then sent back to the station-house to get the police force of the city. Captain Garrett took all the force and proceeded South street. Then the melee began in earnest. Some five or six policemen and citizens were shot-two or three said to be killed and several wounded. About one hundred or one hundred fifty negro soldiers and white men from this part of the city-mostly of the lowest class were scattered in every direction, behind horses, fences and ravines, and opened an irregular but destructive fire upon the police and citizens indiscriminately. The police and those of the citizens who were armed returned the fire, but were for a time forced to retire before the hot fire of the negroes.</text>
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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, May 1-8, 1866</text>
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                  <text>May 1-8, 1866</text>
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                  <text>Important decisions to be made are debated and slow to be agreed upon. The South opposes the Reconstruction plan of the Radicals, deciding it ridiculous to believe they could accept the conditions of the new amendment proposed. The plan would outlaw voting and representation in Congress for those loyal to the Confederacy; there was no way the North could inflexibly force these new laws on Southerners, especially Virginians. The white South realizes that it will need to compromise- the Radicals will not enable former Confederates to vote in the upcoming presidential election unless they accept the new constitution. Robert E. Lee reports that the South would be more accepting of defeat with a more moderate and balanced reconstruction plan, especially Johnson's. The President's lenient policy is based on securing political honesty and abandoning the former treatment of blacks in the South. According to Lee, he is not asking for a swarm of black voters, but simply a realistic strategy for reuniting the Union, opening the doors of Congress for the South. This plan by Johnson provokes criticism from Radicals. The Ladies of Richmond focus on honoring and providing funds for injured and fallen Confederate soldiers while newly emancipated blacks struggle to find employment, food, shelter and other means of survival. Out of desperation, they are often left with no choice but to partake in criminal activity. The Freedmen's Bureau, African-American churches, and other black organizations in Virginia fight to get off the ground, uniting blacks and earning respect in the community. Racial tension and violence still continues throughout the South; riots appear to be coming to a close in Memphis where every single black church has been burned.</text>
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              <text>The Last of the Memphis Riot- The Military in Full Possession- The Causes of the Troubles. From the Bulletin, May 4. Yesterday morning everything was quiet, as far as we could learn. No more arrests had been made. No casualties occurred from shooting last night that we heard of; in fact, there was little or no shooting; an occasional shot, perhaps, over the city, not at any person though. The fires that were mentioned in our last issue were in all parts of the city, but most of "them were in South Memphis, and were reported yesterday morning. The one, though, that occurred on Poplar street, and the one on the corner of Union and Overton streets (both of these were churches), were after we had gone to press; therefore we could make no report. Yesterday we visited again all the sites of this burning, and saw some very appalling things. The worst that we saw was a negro woman, who had been sick, j= being burned to death in a little cabin on South street, near the bridge, in front of the school-house occupied by Rankin, a negro teacher. The school-house was fired Wednesday evening by incendiaries, but this shanty was saved- although several around were burned - until about midnight, when it was fired. In this locality, nearly all being negroes who had witnessed the fighting for the last two days, and had seen so many of their color killed, would not stir for fear of meeting the same fate, and the few whites here were too much frightened to venture out to stop the fire in such a poor, miserable-looking hovel; consequently, we could not get many of the particulars of the sad occurrence. All we could gather was that the house was burned down, having been set on fire by some unknown person, and this woman, having been confined to her bed several days, was supposed to be unable to get from the house, or else, being asleep, had no time to make her escape. We were told that some supposed after the house was partly burned down, some one passing and hearing her cries pulled her out of the burning mass and laid her down at some little distance from the cabin, but her clothes caught from the sparks, and thus she died. Nearly all of her clothes was burned off, and an old shawl was spread over her. No marks of violence were to be seen on her body. This was truly an infamous deed, and all good citizens are speaking of it in the same way. Burning churches, school-houses, and dwellings of innocent persons is a crime that should not go unpunished by the civil authorities. There are no negro churches now standing within our knowledge, in the city.</text>
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              <text>http://virginiachronicle.com/cgi-bin/virginia?a=d&amp;d=DD18660508.1.2&amp;dliv=none&amp;st=1&amp;e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN-------</text>
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                <text>1866-05-08</text>
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                <text>BeamBrooke-18660508-Last of the Memphis Riot.pdf</text>
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                <text>Richmond Daily Dispatch</text>
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                <text>The Last of the Memphis Riot.</text>
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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, May 9-14, 1866</text>
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                  <text>Brooke Beam</text>
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                  <text>May 9-14, 1866</text>
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                  <text>Radicals and Southerners maintain an ongoing dispute over Reconstruction policies. Southerners have confidence in Johnson and his ability to restore the Union. Northerners make a report on the condition of the South, describing Virginians as not enthusiastically patriotic, but loyal. White Southerners express their belief that the amendment proposed by Radicals is dead and never capable of achieving a two-thirds vote.  Ironically, the House does pass the amendment, disfranchising the majority of former Confederates. This leads Southerners to propose the idea of striking out the third section which stripped them of representation in Congress. This request was not approved, led by opposition of Stevens and other Radicals who claimed, "Give us the third section or give us nothing!" On a national scale, Reconstruction is not advancing as the white South declares that it will not accept having their voting rights taken. Judge Underwood of Virginia indicts rebellion leaders, including Jefferson Davis who is on trial in Norfolk for treason. Underwood claims, "Virginia never had a free government and never will until the enfranchisement of negroes." A Boston man from Richmond claims that the blacks from there would prefer to be enslaved again than be in their current condition: "forced into sudden emancipation."</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="45957">
              <text>The annual meeting of this Association was held last night, the President, Colonel Lee Powell, in the chair. When the meeting was called to order, a hymn was sung, and prayer offered by the Rev. Dr. Gwathney. The President then presented the annual report the Association, an abstract of which is as follows: In giving the reasons for the present apparent want of zeal in the work of the Association, the President mentions the unsettled, unemployed condition of many of our young men as the most prominent. These noble fellows, he says, who, through years of privation and danger, illustrated all the virtues of Christian heroism, are, many of them, so impoverished as to be denied the privilege of renewing their membership with the Association, while others seem to have been so stunned by the results of the war as to have lost the energy with which to engage in even works of Christian charity. An earnest appeal is made to the business men of the city to encourage and uphold the efforts of the Association, claiming that no men in the community are more benefited than are those who employ men, in having thrown around them such influences and restraining associations us must guard their morals and keep them from the haunts of dissipation and dishonesty with which out unhappy city is now cursed. Fathers and mothers are urged to induce their sons to become members of the Association, as affording the means for cultivating all the noblest affections of the heart and of learning early the lesson of self-denial and unselfish labor for the good of others. A feeling allusion is then made to the many members of the Association who have defended, even unto death, their convictions of truth, justice, and duty, in the late war, while the surviving members are urged to take their places again in the ranks to contend against the world and the devil, both of which enemies are so busily at work in our midst. Allusion is made also to the dangerous work being done by volunteer philanthropists who, having no ignorant or poor people's children at home to need their charity, have inveigled into their traps the children of too many persons willing to have their children taught on the simple condition of paying nothing for it, and who are paying the fearful penalty of having I those children taught to hate their own homes, their own friends, their own fathers honor; and by being compelled to attend the Sunday schools taught by these self-imputed humanitarians, there hear that universalism and Unitarianism are the only true varieties of religious faith. How can any Southern man, says the report, expect his child to be taught truth, historical or religious, by persons entertaining the bitterness of feeling such stragglers do feel towards the South, or who teach the religion, not of God, but of New England?</text>
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              <text>http://virginiachronicle.com/cgi-bin/virginia?a=d&amp;d=DD18660509.1.1&amp;dliv=none&amp;st=1&amp;e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN-------</text>
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                <text>BeamBrooke-18660509-Young Men Christian Association.pdf</text>
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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, June 1-7, 1866</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="43591">
                  <text>Brooke Beam</text>
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                  <text>June 1-7, 1866</text>
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                  <text>White Richmonders claim to be struggling under the burden of the new city tax in addition to heavy federal and state taxes. They remember their fallen Confederate soldiers through honoring their graves and praising their values and character.  Southern Baptists preach that the only way assimilation for blacks and immigrants is possible is through the gospel, not by education or knowledge. (The Richmond paper enjoys noting that The New Haven Board of Education bans black children from their public schools.)  Blacks use the Civil Rights act to their advantage, bringing up past incidents such as previous mistreatment and murder committed by their former owners. White Southerners argue that the act violates the constitution and those who voted for it- the Radicals- have betrayed the nation and convicted themselves of promoting unlawful ideals. Blacks form a group to meet in New York strategizing how to quickly earn their suffrage. Fear of whites by blacks starts to dissipate; more instances of criminal action between white authority and blacks are reported. Over half of black prisoners in the Virginia State Penitentiary are in confinement for offenses against military authority. The Freedmen's Bureau of Virginia reports that there has been an increase in freedmen engaging in labor and punishments for white perpetrators committing ill treatment against blacks.  Johnson debates with the Radicals over seceded states' requirements for being readmitted into the Union while Stevens and his supporters serve threats of Johnson's impeachment. Democrats meet to agree on election decisions; they contemplate whether they should support Union conservatives in locations where they are a minority party or put total support in full-on Democrats. Virginia expects to ratify the new constitutional amendment because white voters are agitated with the slow progress of Reconstruction.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="46361">
              <text>The name of one man or a thousand of men may be lost and forgotten, but we can separate the individual from the principles which he represented, and so give to him a permanent and lasting existence. Our soldiers who fell in the war were the incarnations of unselfishness, purity, and devotion. They did not stop to reason or argue, but did their duty honestly and fearlessly. The scanty ration, the tattered uniform, the shoeless feet, and the imperfect equipment, did not daunt their hearts ; they were as modest when fortune smiled upon their labors as when the future was dark with doubt and uncertainty. In remembering, then, our fallen soldiers, we can by our own actions and our own conduct show that we appreciated their sufferings and their endurance; and we can prove by the manner of our living that the sacrifice of their lives has not been in vain. Who can remember the fallen Confederate soldier and willing to trifle away his time in follies or indiscretions ; who will be willing to be a reproach to that south for which so many thousands died? Will not the pale, still face of the dead rise to rebuke us in the time of discouragement, teaching us patience and fortitude, honor and truth ; will not the mounds under which they sleep rise before our sight whenever we are tempted to do aught that is unbecoming to them or to ourselves? The truest monument that can be raised to our dead will be to stamp indelibly their virtues and their constancy upon the souls of the southern people! There is already enough of chivalrous feeling and instinctive honor in the south, but our young men especially need those qualities which the southern soldier so eminently possessed, and which are now, if possible, more venerable aud more near than ever before to every southern heart. Let us guide ourselves by the quiet trust, the conscientious attention to duty, the undoubting sense of right, and the unswerving belief in the eternal principles of truth and justice, which were the salient points in the character of the southern soldier, and the mindst.f our people will become so fortitied and strengthened that they will awaitl calmly what troubles may yet be before them, and assuredly in the end win their way back to an era of happiness, peace, and general good-will. And when the southern States shall be admired and honored for the virtue and patriotism of their people ; when they shall stand out unsullied and undegenerate among the corruptions of the age; when they shall be steadfast while all else of good and true is tottering to its base, men will ask "whence this constancy, this truth, this devotion ? Then will be the moment of triumph for our fallen soldiers ; then will an imperishable monument have been erected to their memory, as the reply is shouted forth with exultation, mingled with sadness: The merit is not ours; we have but emulated and striven to make our own the virtues of those brave and noble men who, long, long ago, fell in battle for the cause of their native , south.</text>
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              <text>http://virginiachronicle.com/cgi-bin/virginia?a=d&amp;d=DD18660601.1.2&amp;dliv=none&amp;st=1&amp;e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN-------</text>
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                <text>The Confederate Dead-Honor to Their Memory</text>
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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, June 8-16, 1866</text>
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                  <text>Johnson announces that the only route for Reconstruction to be completed is through peace and avoiding re-opening the wounds of war. Johnson continues to oppose the dominant Republican party of Congress; they claim to aid blacks, he charges, but in fact in their own interests. Johnson believes the Radicals are aware that the adoption of their policies will result in an everlasting feud between the North and South. Radicals decide to take matters into their own hands, intending to exclude Johnson from approving the new constitutional amendment.  Virginia freedmen make a special request to increase military protection, claiming their need for safeguards against former masters. Only 250 authentic "friends of the Union" reside in Richmond, they argue, all willing to vote for black suffrage. Jefferson Davis's trial continues and Judge Underwood finds him guilty of treason. The nation contemplates if Davis should be placed on parole or bail.</text>
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              <text>In the columns of the Dispatch will be found the speech of President JOHNSON before the Ladies' National Fair for the benefit of the Home for Soldiers and Sailors, delivered on Wednesday night. In this speech the President adheres to the broad and comprehensive platform which he laid down at the beginning of the present session of Congress. In his strong and practical language he plainly tells the people the only way in which the Union can be restored : Not by re-openlng the wounds of war and making them bleed afresh; but the strife being ended, consider peace restored, and "let peace do its work." He even went so far as to declare sentiments which, to the Scribes and Pharisees, will be regarded as decidedly disloyal. "He trusted that the asylum which it was proposed to establish might be extensive enough to bless all orphans. We should not inquire what made them orphans. Charity doth not thus behave." The President, who seemed not to be studying to please the Republican philanthropist, continued to express the sentiments which emanate from the charity he has learned, and concluded with the fortowing truly patriotic and national expression of feeling: "Let us consult our hearts, free from anger, which has existed in them too long. Let the breach be healed, and let difficulties bo done away, that we may be a great and happy people." It is not surprising that these sentiments were warmly applauded. They must have found a response in any heart not as hard as granite. Besides, there were a great many ladies present, and they are never strangers to generous emotions-always excepting the strong-minded blue stockings of the extreme north, and a goodly potion of the sisterhood of "schoolmarms," whose tastes and feelings have been so sadly perverted. The President, in this last quotation, presents the only mode of reconstruction In a nutshell. The Union can be restored in no other way. Dismiss anger, restore equality, cease denunciation, and "let peace do its work."</text>
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                  <text>Johnson announces that the only route for Reconstruction to be completed is through peace and avoiding re-opening the wounds of war. Johnson continues to oppose the dominant Republican party of Congress; they claim to aid blacks, he charges, but in fact in their own interests. Johnson believes the Radicals are aware that the adoption of their policies will result in an everlasting feud between the North and South. Radicals decide to take matters into their own hands, intending to exclude Johnson from approving the new constitutional amendment.  Virginia freedmen make a special request to increase military protection, claiming their need for safeguards against former masters. Only 250 authentic "friends of the Union" reside in Richmond, they argue, all willing to vote for black suffrage. Jefferson Davis's trial continues and Judge Underwood finds him guilty of treason. The nation contemplates if Davis should be placed on parole or bail.</text>
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              <text>The world, which is by no means infallible either in whole or in part, has, in the present day, made one of the greatest mistakes it ever blundered into. This is the egregious error of supposing that the recent civil war in this country liberated the negro; whereas it really liberated the white man. Years ago John Randolph asserted that the masters were slaves to the negroes ; and this was the truth. To provide for the blacks; to take care of them; to repair the damages from their neglect; husband resources their improvidence and recklessness were ever impairing ; to bear up under the general tendency to waste, exhaustion, and decay from their heedlessness and forgetfulness, their indolence and slovenliness- imposed upon all masters cares and labors that made them really slaves to the negroes. Aware that the master had to support them, they felt no concern as to how they were to live. Knowing that they had no right of property in anything used to cultivate the place, and that if it were lost or destroyed they would not have to replace it, they bestowed no care upon it. The master had to care for all and provide for all. He had to look after the negroes, the horses, the cows, the sheep, the hogs, the wagons, the harness, the ploughs, the agricultural implements of all sorts, the stables, the barns, nay everything. Without the care and vigilance of the master and his white superintendent, there would have been little left after a few years. The very houses would have been burned down over their heads.Therefore the responsibility and care concerning these people, their coming and going, their working and support, were heavy and incessant. The master carried these cares with him to bed, he dreamed of them in his sleep, and the morning called him early to the renewal of the wearisome and and vexatious vigilance of his relation as master. He held an office of uncommon responsibility and one imposing the most arduous duties, with a compensation altogether inadequte to the duties and the responsibility it devolved upon him. The burthens thus borne by the master for the well-fed negro, who had no cares nor anxieties for the present or the future, were quite enough to show that this master was the slave, and not the negro who was called his property. But there is another phase of the relationship which adds strongly to this view of the subject. Slavery compelled the children of the planters and farmers to emigrate. The institution did not encourage commerce, nor trade, nor manufactures. There was little occupation outside of agriculture, and the negro was the laborer in that branch of industry; and, as it had been found impossible to work white and black together, the white man had to seek new fields afar off for employment and for success in life. The wealthy put their sons to the professions of law and physic, which were always overrun ; and which, while numbering in their ranks men who were ornaments of their country, contained others who were only fit for the lower order of occupations such as ditchers, cow drivers, farm hands, wagoners, &amp;e.- in which they might have earned livelihoods and led exemplary lives. But being briefless and patientless, they fell into vices which are always convenient for the idle, and ended unprofitable lives by untimely deaths. Such fate, with its warning, seemed to be lost ; and the multitude journeying through life in this fashion was never diminished. This was the picture of too many who remained at home. And though it was a relief to turn from these to the cases of those good parents whose sons were driven by the institution to other States where they were successful, yet can we fail to sympathize with those dear old people who, in the evening of their days, were left alone in their charming old mansions, daily to pine over the absence of their children ? Every object in the house reminded them of those loved ones. The rooms they had occupied were tenantless and gloomy. Though not dead, they might never meet again ! Here was the master bereaved- bereaved for the negroes who dwelt on the same farm for generations, living socially and joyously in their quarters, which presented an appearance of contentment and ease running into frequent festivity, the like of which the world never saw, and will never see again ! Which was the slave- the white man or the black man ? We shall soon see.</text>
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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, June 18-23, 1866</text>
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                  <text>As the controversy over the Jefferson Davis trial continues, white Southerners push for conciliation. The same crowd who wants other former Confederate leaders to get off easily also wants Davis to receive a gentle punishment. Northern Republicans question if Davis's living quarters at Fortress Monroe is suitable for a prisoner charged guilty with treason. Government officials are given orders to lock Davis in shackles, and he confesses that he would rather be put to death than put in irons. White Southerners grow concerned as a weaker and older Davis's health starts to deteriorate.  Blacks continue to show an increasing resistance to white authority. By banding together, they are less afraid to use the Civil Rights act for bailing innocent friends and family out of prison. There is a rise in criminal action between blacks and whites, triggered by confidence rooted in the Civil Rights act. This sense of fearlessness is reflected by a white schoolteacher and black man who decide to marry in Tennessee. A fully black jury finds a white man guilty of stealing belongings of a black man. They agree he should be given lashes on the back for his punishment.</text>
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              <text>A great excitement was created among the adherents of the negro bureau in Mobile a few days ago by the marriage in that city of a former slave of General Beauregard's to a white woman by the name of Jones, and a teacher of the freedmen. The couple have left for the home of the woman's parents in the north, where there will doubtless be a great jubilee over this manifestation of civil rights when the pair arrive. As the unfortuuate female's parents were doubtless abolitionists, and are now in the Radical faith, they cannot but be rejoiced at the progress that has been made by their docile offspring. But, seriously, this case presents the light of a public affront, and comes under the laws of Alabama that declare miscegenation a penitentiary offence.</text>
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