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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, May 9-14, 1866</text>
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                  <text>Brooke Beam</text>
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                  <text>May 9-14, 1866</text>
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                  <text>Radicals and Southerners maintain an ongoing dispute over Reconstruction policies. Southerners have confidence in Johnson and his ability to restore the Union. Northerners make a report on the condition of the South, describing Virginians as not enthusiastically patriotic, but loyal. White Southerners express their belief that the amendment proposed by Radicals is dead and never capable of achieving a two-thirds vote.  Ironically, the House does pass the amendment, disfranchising the majority of former Confederates. This leads Southerners to propose the idea of striking out the third section which stripped them of representation in Congress. This request was not approved, led by opposition of Stevens and other Radicals who claimed, "Give us the third section or give us nothing!" On a national scale, Reconstruction is not advancing as the white South declares that it will not accept having their voting rights taken. Judge Underwood of Virginia indicts rebellion leaders, including Jefferson Davis who is on trial in Norfolk for treason. Underwood claims, "Virginia never had a free government and never will until the enfranchisement of negroes." A Boston man from Richmond claims that the blacks from there would prefer to be enslaved again than be in their current condition: "forced into sudden emancipation."</text>
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              <text>The annual meeting of this Association was held last night, the President, Colonel Lee Powell, in the chair. When the meeting was called to order, a hymn was sung, and prayer offered by the Rev. Dr. Gwathney. The President then presented the annual report the Association, an abstract of which is as follows: In giving the reasons for the present apparent want of zeal in the work of the Association, the President mentions the unsettled, unemployed condition of many of our young men as the most prominent. These noble fellows, he says, who, through years of privation and danger, illustrated all the virtues of Christian heroism, are, many of them, so impoverished as to be denied the privilege of renewing their membership with the Association, while others seem to have been so stunned by the results of the war as to have lost the energy with which to engage in even works of Christian charity. An earnest appeal is made to the business men of the city to encourage and uphold the efforts of the Association, claiming that no men in the community are more benefited than are those who employ men, in having thrown around them such influences and restraining associations us must guard their morals and keep them from the haunts of dissipation and dishonesty with which out unhappy city is now cursed. Fathers and mothers are urged to induce their sons to become members of the Association, as affording the means for cultivating all the noblest affections of the heart and of learning early the lesson of self-denial and unselfish labor for the good of others. A feeling allusion is then made to the many members of the Association who have defended, even unto death, their convictions of truth, justice, and duty, in the late war, while the surviving members are urged to take their places again in the ranks to contend against the world and the devil, both of which enemies are so busily at work in our midst. Allusion is made also to the dangerous work being done by volunteer philanthropists who, having no ignorant or poor people's children at home to need their charity, have inveigled into their traps the children of too many persons willing to have their children taught on the simple condition of paying nothing for it, and who are paying the fearful penalty of having I those children taught to hate their own homes, their own friends, their own fathers honor; and by being compelled to attend the Sunday schools taught by these self-imputed humanitarians, there hear that universalism and Unitarianism are the only true varieties of religious faith. How can any Southern man, says the report, expect his child to be taught truth, historical or religious, by persons entertaining the bitterness of feeling such stragglers do feel towards the South, or who teach the religion, not of God, but of New England?</text>
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                <text>1866-05-09</text>
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                <text>BeamBrooke-18660509-Young Men Christian Association.pdf</text>
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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, January 1-8, 1870</text>
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                  <text>Charles Simmonds</text>
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                  <text>The first week of the New Year in 1870 was a big one for African Americans testing out their still relatively new rights. They gathered in large numbers and marched on the governor's mansion and he received them warmly. The "negroes" marched because the resolutions relating to Virginia's admission into the Union were in discussion in the Capitol. The new black voters wanted confirmation that Governor Walker supported and cared about them. The speech he gave was indicative of his pro-rights sentiment, calling them "fellow-citizens" because he saw them as his equals in the eyes of the law and politics. As black men charged with crimes resisted arrest and argued with constables, crowds would often gather to support those charged. White Richmonders expressed great resentment towards the North for the war and the resulting Reconstruction. The South regretted how they carried out the war, because they believe that at one point they could have taken over the North. They regret that they had no officers well trained in the art of war and that they had resigned themselves to fighting a defensive war. Reconstruction is still seen as a scheme to ruin the South even more by forcing them under the rule of the northerners and Congress.</text>
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              <text>That those who agree with them are wise men, is the opinion of some people we have either seen or read of. We have at least that reason for holding that Edwin M. Stanton was a wise man. According to Don Platt, he said nearly a year before General Lee's surrender: "The rebels have saved us. Instead of a quick, fierce, aggressive war, they have acted on the defensive, and put to issue the material resources of the two sections. They are failing, through exhaustion, and I will now crowd on men until I smother them out." How true. After the battle of Manassas the Federal Government had not an army that would have stood a moment before ours. The whole North was open to us. Pennsylvania, New York, even Massachusetts, Nothing stopped us but ignorance of the art of war. There were no armies to do it. The only army Mr. Lincoln had was about Washington city. There was not half as much to prevent Beauregard from marching from Manassas to New York as four years later stood in Sherman's way when he marched from Atlanta to Savannah. And to think that that grand soldier Stonewall Jackson wanted to march upon Baltimore and take possession of Maryland (as he could easily have done), at the time of the riot of the 19th of April, and was to do it. Jackson was a born ... The move would have changed the ... as dreams are made best our rulers knew not their business.</text>
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                <text>1870-01-03</text>
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                <text>SimmondsCharles-18700103-Why the South Failed.pdf</text>
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                  <text>This Week in Reconstruction, February 16-22, 1868</text>
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                  <text>Mallory Haskins</text>
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                  <text>February 16-22, 1868</text>
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                  <text>What General Schofield says is what goes. With new voting registration in their sight, Richmonders of all colors are more than appeased. New registration in itself is revolutionary for Richmonders, but the real power lies in Schofield's order stating "all qualified voters are entitled to challenge, under reasonable restrictions, the right of any other person to register as a voter, and the superintendent of registration will admit within the enclosure occupied by the board, such a number of challengers as he may deem necessary to ensure the detection of any attempt at fraudulent or unlawful registration." Even though black Richmonders are allowed to register, their unhappy white neighbor can take it away from them. White power and black inferiority continue even in a time of progress. Not only may a white Richmonder restrict a black man's right, Schofield's clause permits a white man to challenge another white man as well. Challenging one's right to vote may take on the form of a threat for Radical sympathizers. The Dispatch itself and the white citizens it serves hold no complaints of Schofield's orders. Taking away white power over blacks is no easy task, especially in a place so afraid of equality.</text>
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              <text>White and Black Parties. "It was a short-sighted and repulsive policy that drove the South into two parties, crystallized on the single issue of race, through real or pretended fear of party failure at the North."-New York Times. This is very true and just. The people of the North and people everywhere out of the South have no clear perception of the extent to which this division of races has gone. Even the people of this State had no idea that the blacks could be cajoled by all the flattery and demagoguism of Wilson and his less distinguished but not more unprincipled colaboring missionaries sent from Congress entirely to separate from their former masters and sincere friends. No people could have been more astonished than were the people of Virginia the morning after the elections for the Convention at finding that the negroes had voted en masse either for candidates of their own color or for the white "exotics" who had associated with them and poisoned their minds towards the whites, in order to get their votes. Such a thing was thought impossible; and the result developed a trait in the negro which it had not been supposed generally marked his character. It should be understood that the negro is here the Radical party. The white Radicals are hardly as numerous, compared with the blacks, as are the drovers compared with hogs they drive to market. All the audiences of northern Radical agitators, from the plausible and tricky Wilson down to the vulgar and brutal Nye, of Nevada, consisted almost wholly of negroes. All the speeches made to them are intended to inflate them with an idea of their own consequence and capacity, and to poison their minds with reference to the whites. The negro is told never to trust the southern white man, who will surely enslave him again when he gets the power. Thus filling his mind with notions of himself destructive to his own happiness, and unfitting him for orderly and successful industry, while he is constantly seduced away from and made to hate the white man, upon whom he must depend for employment, and whose wisdom, energy, and forecaste alone can secure to him the thrift and security of regulated industry and good government. Thus, in the South, Radicalism is another name for the party of negroes. They are the heart and soul of it. The immigrant Radicals are one in a thousand, hovering around the blacks as a shark does about his feeding ground, to live upon those habitant thereabout-having no other sympathies than the shark, and no charities or considerations outside their own greedy and insatiable maws. It is all negro. The negro has the capitol. The gallery is full of them, and the privileged seats, once adorned by the beauty, refinement and virtue of Virginia, are never honored by the presence of southern ladies. Negresses and their pompous escorts have swept them, by invasion. When the Convention adjourns, the stream that flows out is chiefly black, and when any Radical addresses "the people," as reported, he is only addressing negroes. White people never selected for a representative a mere drudge-a man without information or influence. The negroes have put into the Convention men whose wives are cooks-men who, when at home, sleep in the kitchen loft of those who employ their wives! But even these are more tolerable with an intelligent community than some of the whites they have elected. These things the world ought to know these things here in Virginia, which has furnished the first men of the nation, which contributed more to secure the national independence and more towards the national glory and renown than any other State, and, besides, gave to the Union the richest gift ever given by a State to an ungrateful nation. These things are done in this Old Virginia, once so honored, now so oppressed. They are sustained by the bayonet, and could be Stained by no other auxiliary.</text>
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                  <text>Ali O'Hara</text>
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                  <text>Throughout Virginia, distaste for Governor Wells is aflame. Virginians accuse Governor Wells of being untrustworthy and "disgracing" his appointment--claiming he is simply grappling for power and influence rather than improving the commonwealth of Virginia. They accuse "carpetbaggers" of attempting to fix the election to keep Governor Wells in power and Walker out of office. White Virginians' hatred for Wells grows because they want white supremacy to prevail and Wells is a challenge to their historic dominance. Many argued that if all white, male Virginians were on the same voting bloc, they could carry the election. They say that it is "better to be united than right," urging people to be patriots of Virginia. Additionally, they argue that they could occupationally blackmail black men into voting for the "right" side</text>
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              <text>WASHINGTON LETTER. Correspondence of the Richmond Dispatch. Washington, May 2, 1869. By far the greatest event since the adjournment of the Senate--probably the greatest since Grant announced his Cabinet --in the public mind was the interview between the President and General Lee yesterday. The news that Lee had visited Grant spread rapidly through the town, and enterprising correspondents of afternoon newspapers flashed the fact over the wires to the respective journals as quickly as they would announce a proclamation about Cuba or a call for an extra session of Congress to consider our relations to England. And yet the prominent officials at the Executive mansion assert positively that beyond the ordinary courtesies which pass between gentlemen there was nothing that transpired--particularly, nothing having any political significance. Your correspondent was assured by competent authority that there was no private conversation between the President and his eminent visitor concerning reconstruction. It is evident that in the short time during which General Lee remained at the White House very little concerning national matters could have been said. The interview did not last ten minutes. It is true that the President expected that General Lee would call and had given orders that he should be admitted to an interview immediately. He was gratified to meet the distinguished General; and really the visit which has caused such a sensation seemed to have put every one in the White House, from the shoulder-strapped secretaries to the messengers at the doors, in the best possible condition of urbanity and good nature. -Radicals have been silly enough to express indignant feelings because of the interview, particularly as the President denied audience to some of the politicians, but their " soreheadedness " is of no avail. 'General Lee, with great modesty, has, and it seems successfully, endeavored to prevent being made a "lion" of by those who would pay homage to his high personal character. It is not improbable that before long there will be another interview. The President maintains a characteristic reticence regarding his intentions about the vote on the constitution in Virginia. It is safe to believe that he will be mainly guided in his action by the opinions and suggestions of General Canby. T.</text>
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                  <text>Congress deliberates whether Virginia should be allowed back into the Union with or without further Reconstruction sanctions. On January 11, the entire third page was dedicated to the proceedings in the House and the Senate. The proceedings revealed the power struggles and controversy surrounding the admission of Virginia. A voting discrepancy on the admission led to lengthy debates on the respective rights of senators and representatives. On January 12, an explanation was given for the tension between the Republican and Democratic, and the pro-admission and anti-admission, members of Congress. On January 13, it became apparent that it was only a matter of days before Virginia would be voted back into the Union. It was also apparent, however, that there would be a fight until the end, as the very next day there were more proceedings that detailed a rather nasty exchange between Senators Sumner and Trumbull. It was a last ditch effort by Sumner to impose further sanctions on Virginia, but by the end of the week, the vote to admit Virginia unconditionally was passed. Once Virginia was admitted, an article proclaimed that the South would rise up once again and become even more powerful and profitable than the North. White Virginians could not bring back slavery, but they refused to express regret for slavery.</text>
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              <text>It is evident from what has transpired in the Senate that the hill reported by the Judiciary Committee for the admission of the senators and representatives of Virginia will pass that body probably without amendment. Already it is discovered that only Senators Sumner, Drake, and about half a dozen others, take stand in opposition to the Administration on the subject of admitting that State. The House may pass a bill imposing conditions, to apply to the future action of that State. The Senate will not pass the House bill, the House will reject the Senate bill, and then will come a conference committee, in which both branches must yield something, the result being the passage of a bill or joint resolution admitting the State with, probably, a recital in the preamble of the acts done by the State Legislature, such as the adoption of the fifteenth amendment and of other stipulations heretofore made by Congress as conditions precedent to admitting the State to representation. Incidental to the discussion of the merits of the Virginia case, there has arisen a question that overthrows all propositions involved in the mere stipulations or reconstruction acts, and that question is the ratification of the fifteenth amendment, and the power of a State Legislature in the matter of the adoption or rejection of amendments to the Constitution of the United States. Among congressmen there are but few who appear to have given the subject the attention required to a proper understanding of it, but as yet no good lawyer in the Senate or House has failed to appreciate the importance of the point, and several have for themselves disposed of the proposition by unqualifiedly announcing that a State Legislature cannot, under any circumstances, repeal or revoke its ratification of the proposed amendment. Nevertheless, sound lawyers and Republicans of Congress are not satisfied with such a disposition of the question. Until the requisite number of States shall have ratified the proposed amendment, it is no part of the Constitution, and until the moment arrives when such number have been officially recorded in the State Department, it is lawful for the Legislature of any State that may have passed resolutions ratifying the amendment to revoke these resolutions. This is upon the idea that it is a State always acting, and not a particular Legislature. The State is a party to the transaction, and may at any time before the full consummation of the agreement (for such it is) between it and the people of the United States represented in Congress withdraw its assent to the contract. Such are the arguments substantially advanced by some of the lawyers in the Senate. The discussion in the House to-day upon the bill developed no new ideas or propositions. Speeches (but three in number) attracted little attention during their delivery. Members were generally engaged in reading papers, or gathered in groups chatting and cracking jokes. The main interest still centres in the Senate, where several able speeches were made to-day, the most noticeable being that of Senator Conkling, who thoroughly considered the subject in its legal and political bearings, and gave conclusive reasons why the State should be immediately admitted without further legislation. It is probable that both branches of Congress will be engaged another day in the discussion before the vote is taken. Mr. Thurman offered an amendment, which occasioned general laughter, that the States of New York, Ohio, and New Jersey, be excluded from representation because the former had rescinded its ratification of the fifteenth amendment and the other because of its action upon the fourteenth amendment. Shortly afterwards he withdrew this. Mr. Edmunds suggested an amendment requiring the oath from State officers, in order that they shall not be obnoxious to the fourteenth amendment. Mr. Wilson offered an amendment to the bill of the Reconstruction Committee reported in the House yesterday. Sumner submitted a memorial from certain Republicans of Virginia, now in Washington, containing a statement of affairs in that State, setting forth that the memorialists are desirous of showing that the majority of the present Virginia Legislature were elected by fraud, violence, and intimidation, and suggesting that Congress enforce the existing reconstruction acts until satisfied that all voters are given an opportunity to vote freely; alleges the exclusion of colored men from the jury box, and that the right of secession is as firmly believed in as at any time during the war; that the loaders of the Walker party publicly declared in the late canvass they had supported the so-called expurgated Constitution for the purpose of securing the admission of the State; that members of the Legislature recently avowed the purpose of deceiving Congress; that one of the delegation that waited on the House Reconstruction Committee said that when Butler told them he would take the word of Virginia gentlemen, he felt for his watch, because he knew the General had a very taking way with him; that parties referred to declared, in regard to pledging the Legislature to carry out the new Constitution, they would just as readily certify that Butler never stole any spoons; that they can show that Governor Walker was a Copperhead during the war, and in full sympathy with the rebellion; that he was president of a club in Chicago organized to rescue rebel prisoners; that his political proclivities have not undergone change since; that during the canvass in Virginia he publicly declared his decision to vote for General R. E. Lee because he was the greatest soldier of the age. He was pledged to oppose the common school system, securing civil and political rights to the people; since the election he has spoken of Virginia as being under usurpation and tyranny, meaning thereby Congress was revolutionary; and, in conclusion, Virginia should not be admitted until her legislators take the test oath, and that the seats of those who cannot, should be awarded to their opponents. Signed, Isaac P. Baldwin, chairman; John T. Davis, secretary; Robert Morton, P. H. Montague, B. Wardwell, W. E. Crockett, G. C. Marshall, J. R. Doughty, C. H. Porter, Luther Lee, J. R. S. William-son-all in same handwriting. Senator Nye said he would submit whether the communication was not so disrespectful as to require its exclusion from the Senate. He was surprised that the senator from Massachusetts would present a paper that reflected in the grossest possible manner upon a colleague of his own in a coordinate branch. Senator Sumner said Mr. Nye did him great injustice, inasmuch as the memorial simply set forth remarks upon conversations between parties and General Butler showing how little of confidence could be placed in men forward in the movement in behalf of Virginia. Mr. Nye said he would not himself be guilty of reflection on a colleage by the means here resorted to. The memorial bad originated, from the names attached to it, from that class of men who had been hanging around the Senate and both Houses of Congress with the purpose of keeping Virginia from a position to which she is entitled. He thought it unfortunate for the opponents of Virginia that their last gun should have been fired with so little effect. Virginia had complied with every congressional requirement. The election had been held according to law, but did not satisfy the petitioners; somebody was disappointed, and now hoped to soothe their feelings by the intervention of Congress. The War Department record showed that Governor Walker had offered his services to put down the rebellion. There was no truth in any charge against him in the memorial. Mr. Sumner would have the southern States knocking at the door until locks rust with the dew of night. He (Nye) was tired of this reconstruction hobby which had been ridden through Congress so many years. Senator Stewart defended Governor Walker and denounced the memorialists. Several of them were defeated candidates. Mr. Sumner wanted to know if it had come to this that loyal people cannot be heard on the Senate floor. Here ensued a controversy between Sumner and Stewart as to their own loyalty to the Republican party, in which Stewart informed Sumner that the latter had been arrogant and dictorial, and that they would suffer no more of his cracking of the whip over their heads. Wallace. The Admission of Virginia. Washington, Jan. 12.-Senator Drake's amendment to the Virginia bill will fail, and the original bill will pass the Senate. The result in the House is more uncertain, as new members are constantly arriving and the discussion will probably be prolonged two or three days. Congressional. Washington, January 12.-Senate.--The Senate took up Mr. Sumner's finance bill looking to the early restoration of specie payment. Mr. Sumner said there were more important matters pleading for consideration than the complete restoration of the South. Mr. Sumner presented a protest signed by thirteen persons against the admission of Virginia. Mr. Thurman said every one of the signers were office-holders who would lose their offices on the admission of the State. The Virginia bill was then taken up and discussed until adjournment with quite bitter crimination and recrimination among the Republican senators.. Adjourned without any definite action. House.-The resolutions of the New York Legislature withdrawing its ratification of the fifteenth amendment were presented and tabled. Mr. Garfield introduced a bill abolishing the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands; and a bill repealing the act of June, 1862, defining additional causes for challenge, and prescribing additional oaths to grand and petit jurors of the United States. The Virginia bill was resumed. Mr. Farnsworth, in discussing it, said it would almost be better to follow the Bible recommendation and "swear not at all" than to have this eternal repetition of oaths, which exclude intelligence, worth, and wealth, from public office. Mr. Paine, another member of the Reconstruction Committee, favored the bill. Without action, the House adjourned.</text>
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                  <text>Black children attending school? Word of a "negro" school has emerged. The "school-house at the foot of the brick steps, corner Franklin and Twenty-third streets, has been rented by the Freedmen's Bureau." The Bureau plans to open a school in that very spot in the next week with the help of the New York Society and Friends. A "negro" school is remarkable to say the least and could mean many things. Perhaps, black citizens and their children are finally beginning to be recognized as citizens who have a right to education. No matter the reason the important fact here is that black children will be educated. Educating these young black citizens provides hope that these children will grow up to be more successful and surely have better lives than their formerly enslaved parents. Education is the first step to improving these freedmen's standards of living. These children may grow up to become politicians, skilled laborers, or even better. Whatever they become, their success may be traced back to the beginning of their education in the school-house on the corner of Franklin and Twenty-third street.</text>
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              <text>UNCONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. Mr. Liggatt offered the following: "Whereas the Government of the United States, on the secession of Virginia from the Federal Union, assumed and declared such an act of secession to be in violation of the Constitution entered into between Virginia and the other States of the Union, and therefore nugatory, and that the status of Virginia as a member of the Federal Union was permanent, fixed, and unchangeable; and whereas the war waged and the armies collected by the Federal Government against the State of Virginia and her sister southern States, united together under the style of the Confederate States of America, was for the avowed and published purpose, expressed in Executive proclamations and congressional enactments, of preserving intact the State of Virginia and other States confederated together as members of the Federal Union, in accordance with the powers subsisting on the formation thereof; and whereas the pains and penalties for political offences cannot be visited upon the government of any federative member by the General Government of the federation, but only on individuals regularly tried and convicted by due form of law; and the terms agreed upon on the cessation of hostilities between the North and South did in no manner claim or establish a power or right to the prevailing section to dispose of the ancient domain of the seceded States as conquered foreign territory, or the private property of the citizens thereof as confiscated; and whereas the benefit of amnesty was granted by the Executive of the United States to many citizens of the southern seceded States engaged in what was termed by the North rebellion, on their compliance with certain conditions, and which amnesty was accepted by them and the conditions fully met; and whereas amnesty under the laws of nations means the burying in oblivion of all past acts or offences and a renewal of any penalties attaching to such offences from the persons so offering ; and whereas the Congress of the United States has, in defiance of these Executive proclamations and antecedent congressional enactments, made previous to the surrender of General Lee, and in opposition to the laws of nations, refused to recognize the seceded States, among which was Virginia, as members of the Federal Union, entitled to rights, privileges, and immunities of States, and has infracted the amnesty granted to the citizens of such States, treating these States as foreign conquered provinces and the citizens thereof as criminals; and instead of reorganizing the seceding States as restored to the United States Government as members of the Federal Union, has proceeded to initiate a reconstruction of the State government thereof, or the building up of an entirely new formation under a bill known as the Sherman-Shellabarger bill, which said bill is in direct conflict with the Constitution of the United States, the right of the States under said Constitution, with solemn protestations of the executive and legislative branches of the United States Government, violating amnesty, assuming treason, ex post facto in its operations, abolishing in effect this great writ of habeas corpus and the right of trial by jury, making the civil tribunals of the State subordinate to and tinder the control of military authority, investing ignorant and incapable men with the elective franchise, and depriving those legitimately entitled thereto of its exercise; and whereas the people of the State of Virginia, who had adhered to the South in the late difficulties between the North and South, after numerical force had, and they had reassured allegiance to the Federal Government, were loyal and true to their allegiance; and whereas they have been coerced under this congressional bill into an election of members of a convention, which Convention is the body now sitting in the capitol for the purpose, under the congressional dictation, of forming a Constitution for the said State of Virginia: Now, the members of this Convention, by reason of the facts set forth, do hereby declare that they have no right to frame any Constitution for the State of Virginia; that the bill being illegitimate which called it into existence, the product of congressional violence on constitutional rights, all the acts of such Convention must necessarily be usurpative and nugatory; and this being so, they do hereby declare all proceedings appertaining to the formation of a State Constitution as adjourned without day."</text>
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                  <text>Typically, we have heard about the intense tension between Southerners and "Carpetbaggers." However, recently a northern man combats the stereotypes regarding the hostility. This man published an article in the Dispatch as well as the northern newspapers about the hospitality the southerners have treated a "Yankee" like himself. He seeks to inform northerners that they are in no danger here, in fact, they are treated quite well. He writes, "I have talked with a great many men, of all classes, and they assure me that a northern man will always be welcomed." The positive atmosphere this Northerner advertised may attract more "carpetbaggers."</text>
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              <text>Richmond Dispatch Saturday, FEBRUARY 20, 1869. Tinkering with Disabilities. The New York Times is quite tired of the tinkering with disabilities in Congress, by which a general principle is neglected and injustice done to large numbers of persons "themselves loyal in their relations to the "new order of things. In practice, however, it embraces only those who make themselves conspicuous, or in some manner obtain the good opinion of Republican officials or congressmen. The many who pursue their avocations in quite, and have neither the disposition to seek nor -the chance to earn the endorsement of local committees, are left under the cloud. The inferior material which comes to the surface obtains the benefit of remedial legislation; the patient, unobtrusive merit which remains out of sight continues to suffer the harsh penalties of the law." This is all true. The system is full of evil. On one hand, the small bodies of natives and adventurers from other States who can take the oath are Interested in diminishing the number of persons eligible to office, and are, therefore, ever besieging Congress with slanders of persons who are for clemency. This subjects the law-making body of the nation to the de gradation of listening to the tale-bearing knaves who are voluntary witnesses against their fellow-men for the corruptest motives, Among these witnesses are all sorts of people. We saw the Committee on Reconstruction listen for some time to the rambling story of an old negro man who showed that he was ignorant, malicious, and a very great liar. It was a scene to be remembered. It occurred at a time when the na tion demanded relief from serious evils by wise legislation, the tables of Congress groaned under the weight of business, and the session was more than half gone. It was strange, and it showed that there was a great deal of wrong. On the other hand, the test of "loyalty" is but a bribe to hypocrisy. It is a test which excludes the best, the truest, and the most experienced men-men who, from the day Lee surrendered at Appomattox, were as much to be trusted as any in the United States. They are the men whose services the country needs, and they are the men whom this bad system excludes from the public service. Mr. McKenzie was right when he told the Reconstruction Committee that the true way to prosperity, harmony, wise administration of public affairs, and "peace" everywhere, was at once to restore to the people their rights</text>
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                  <text>Reconstruction is a failure. The Radical party is using Reconstruction for their own personal gain as they control the Congress, they pass laws to further advance the Northern states' economy while they keep the Southern states in Reconstruction forcing them to create new Constitutions which have to be amended individually by Congress when they could have drafted their own Constitution that each state would have to pass meaning "the South could have been reconstructed in any ten hours of the last three years". This misuse of power has led into the Nation's economy as the debt continues to pile up, and there is a general unrest in the citizens for they do not know what will come next. The general discontent with the citizens is directly related to the past three years of Reconstruction "wrought by a greedy and unscrupulous party - a party of traitors to the Constitution and the national welfare. They have been quite enough to open the eyes of any people of ordinary intelligence to the evils flowing from the misrule of this selfish party; and we believe their legitimate effect upon an independent and sagacious people have begun to operate, and are daily extending their influence". In order for this abuse of power to stop, there must be a new approach to Reconstruction "based upon reason, national safety, and pure patriotism be adopted in its place". The Radical Party must put aside their selfish greed, and think about the Country first, but asking this of such an immoral party is like asking the devil not to sin.</text>
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              <text>The Union - Shall it be Redeemed? The fate of this Union has been for months poised in the balance. The Emperor has been in one scale - the people in the other. Never did the balance represent a more doubtful question of superior weight. Were the people possessed of force and independence, intelligence and virtue, sufficient to press down their scale, and settle the question in their flavor, or was the Emperor, by reason of their lightness and incapacity to govern themselves, to weigh them down, and take possession of the Government? It was a matter of grave doubt in the minds of all reflecting men. Yet there has recently appeared some cheering light in the horizon, suggesting a hope that the days of this republic are not yet numbered. Could the revolutionary party in possession of the Government at the end of the war have accepted the truth that was apparent to all honset men, that the whole South, after its defeat, was as loyal to the Government and the Constitution as any people in the broad limits of the Union, and at once admitted them back within the pale of the National Confederation, the evils of the war would soon have been wiped out, and we should to-day have been no prosperous as we were before the war. The prosperity of the country would have been such that the public debt would not now be regarded a serious burthen. But it was deemed necessary to their interests by the predominant party that the southern States should be admitted only as Radical States - as States in favor of continuing the offices and emoluments of the Government in their hands. Taking the census-table for their guide, they saw by shaving down a portion of the white people by disfranchisements, and conferring the elective franchise upon the negroes, they could probably carry the whole southern States in their favor. They had no confidence in the whites; but they knew they could, with the help of the Freedmen's Bureau, carry all the blacks on their side. This is the essence of the present plan of reconstruction, whicb, after three years, finds the South more oppressed, prostrate, and despondent than ever, and the national interests suffering from a general want of confidence, universal complaint of the burthens of taxation, and a serious decline of the national wealth by the disorganization of the industry in that part of the Union which before the war furnished two-thirds of the staple exports of the nation. How could it be possible that such a state of things should not make a deep impression on the public mind and arouse a wide-spread dissatisfaction with the administration of the government? The South could have been reconstructed in any ten hours of the last three years. Her people were loyal. Her systems of economy were complete - her people were law-lov-and law-abiding - her laboring class was quiet, well provided, and contented - and the period of return to order and submission to the authority of the National Government might have been as smooth as a summer's sea, and full of the sunshine of peace and thrift. But partisanry, which is ever usurping for its low and contemptible advantages that which belongs to mankind, prevented this harmonious process, which would so soon have restored kind feelings and peace to the whole nation. Three years have we passed in the sad condition wrought by a greedy and unscrupulous party - a party of traitors to the Constitution and the national welfare. They have been quite enough to open the eyes of any people of ordinary intelligence to the evils flowing from the misrule of this selfish party; and we believe their legitimate effect upon an independent and sagacious people have begun to operate, and are daily extending their influence. "We have seen no better sign of the refluent tide of popular sentiment - the awakening of the people to the faithlessness of their public servants at Washington - than the letter of General Grant and the exposition of the opinions of Judge Chase. Now, neither of these publications could have been given to the world had their authors not felt that they were in consonance with public opinion, or rather the tendency of that rapidly changing public opinion which will ultimately entirely repudiate the revolutionary party and condemn all its excesses as inhuman and hostile to the national welfare. General Grant tells the most bitter, ruthlees, and relentless party the world has ever seen, which had nominated him, that new issues are constantly arising, and that public opinion is constantly changing with reference to those issues which are now existing; and therefore it is impossible to make pledges as to the course of his administration should he be elected. What is this but a confession that the public opinion is about to condemn the measures and opinions of the very party which nominated him, and that therefore he cannot promise to carry out their views or their measures? There never was an instance of so plain a repudiation by the nominee of the principles of the party which nominated him! Nothing but an evident, an unquestionable revolution in public opinion could have suggested an act so openly rebellious. General Grant emphatically and indisputably tolls the Radicals that he cannot promise to carry out their principles. He must obey the public opinion. We must have peace, he says - and this peace can only jbe attained by conforming to the wishes of the people, based upon their sober second thought, with reference to the material interests of the nation and harmony of the sections. The opinions of Judge Chase as set forth in the exposition of the New York Herald, are not low encouraging in their relation to public sentiment. Not meaning to attribute to the distinguished Judge anything like insincerity, we may assume that sentiments such as he has put forth would hardly have found such publicity if there had not been an unmistakable change in the public opinions of the people. To oppose the whole system of Radical reconstruction and claim for the southern States the right to regulate the question of suffrage for themselves is so completely at war with the whole policy of the party with which Judge Chase has been identified, that it is impossible that he should have openly assumed that position unless there had been some assurance that practical good would result from it - that sort of practical good which may be secured by public opinion strong enough to carry it out From these two important indications we have stronger reason to hope for a healthy reaction of the public mlnd of the Union than any we have seen. It is beyond question inspired by a weariness and disgust with the abominable reconstruction of Radicalism, which has not restored the Union, but has. nearly ruined important national interests by disorganizing southern industryand placing some of the most refined and enlightehed white communities in the world under negro rule - under the rule of a race of a different color, lately slaves, which, at the least, should have been continued in a probationary state for a term of years to qualify itself for the exercise of the rights of freemen. Supposing this change - so, natural - to be now taking place, and supposing it to be based upon the grounds we have set forth, it cannot be checked in its course until the southern States are reconstructed upon the only safe basis - that of equality among the States and the predominance of the white populations in their government and the preservation of order. In this view the whole of the present system of construction, which has brought only humiliation and misery upon the land, must be repudiated, and a system based upon reason, national safety, and pure patriotism be adopted in its place. Thus the Union may be redeemed!</text>
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                  <text>Many disturbances and incidents have broken out between freedmen and policemen this week.  Though they often begin as small occurrences, they can frequently become mob scenes.  Freedmen demand that the police release the black men arrested during each incident, prompting the protesters to throw bricks at the officers.  Many are injured as black people fight the police and gunfire breaks out.  Mayor Mayo has announced that everyone must follow the law regardless of race and that he will hold everyone to the same standard.  He declares that "he intended to do justice to all men, and that in this respect he did not doubt but that he was more the friend of the colored people than any one in the court-room."  However, black Richmonders do not think the police are following the same standards.</text>
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              <text>THE TWENTY-FIRST STREET DISTURBANCE EXAMINATION BEFORE THE MAYOR. SALUTARY REMARKS OF MR. MAYO. Discharge of Most of the Prisoners. The case of the following-named parties, charged with being implicated in a riot on the corner of Twenty-first and Main streets, and resisting and wounding policemen in discharge of their duty, was brought before the Mayor yesterday -- viz.: Dr. Hanks, William Holloway (white), Aaron Short. Robert Hardgrove, Philip Banks, Jerry Page, Bill McCoy, Beverly Skipwith, Robert Lee, and Moses Ross. The witnesses for the prosecution were then sworn. Corporal Frank Forrester testified that notice was received at Libby prison at about 10 o'clock on Saturday night that there was a disturbance on Main street. He went up to the corner of Main and Twenty-first streets, and saw a party of negroes standing on the spot, and heard them say, " D -- n the policemen; we have punished them. and we will do it again, and if the d -- d soldiers interfere we will make them suffer, too." The witness here recognized Holloway (white) as being one of the party ; and George Weoldridge. an exUnited States soldier, recognized Sharp and Hanks as being of them. Policeman Engel also recognized one of them. The Mayor, after hearing this evidence, said he did not wish to hear any further evidence, and made the following remarks, which we commend to our colored readers: MAYOR MAYO'S REMARKS. The Mayor said that he wished everybody to understand that, as Mayor of the city of Richmond and the representative of the Commonwealth of Virginia in a court of justice, he intended to do justice to all men, and that in this respect he did not doubt but that he was more the friend of the colored people than any one in the court-room. By law you have been emancipated. The same laws now apply to you as apply to the whites, and the same laws apply to them as to you: and I am determined to make every man, white or black; obey the law. If I find white men abusing, assaulting, or beating you, I shall fine them or send them on to be indicted, and I will do the same towards you if I find you treating white people unlawfully. I make these remarks so as to be fully understood. I hear that you were advised last evening, and very properly so too, to obey the orders of General Schofield. He is put here to see that the people obey the laws, and he will always be prompt to do so. If he finds me not obeying the laws, he will act towards me as he will towards every one. I would admonish you to be calm. You are as free as I am. Assert your rights, but use no violence. If the police arrest you, go along with them quietly; and if injustice has been done you, I will punish the police. I have often had, in the course of my duty, to punish many of you; but I defy any man to prove that I have not carried out the letter of the law, or treated all men with justice, according to law. I therefore warn you all to obey the laws, as I am determined to carry them out. To those of you at present accused before me who have not been identified as committing violence in this disturbance, and who deny complicity in it, I would say, do not be caught in such a place again. When a disturbance occurs, you who are not concerned in it should go at once to your homes. I will discharge you this time, but will retain Dr. Banks, Aaron Short, and William Holloway. The men who were discharged thanked the Mayor, and left the court-room. The remaining three were remanded to jail.</text>
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                  <text>The Municipal War between mayors Chahoon and Ellyson is going to the courts. Chahoon and his supporters have barricaded themselves in a police station and Ellyson is besieging them. The constitutionality of whether or not the City Council could appoint a mayor is the issue of the case. Chahoon is a Republican from New York who has been the mayor of Richmond during Reconstruction, as appointed by General Canby, but the people want a better representative of their views. Ellyson claims he is the rightful mayor, since the legislature allows for the position to be appointed. There's a desire for better infrastructure and the creation of more railroad lines fuels this desire. Building connections between the James River, the Atlantic, and the West is proving to be most lucrative for Richmond and Virginia, enabling masses of freight to pass through.</text>
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              <text>The city was entertained yesterday by a rebellion on a very small scale, incited by the ultra-Radical tricksters of this city. The late Mayor (Chahoon) was made the tool of the schemers, and with an armed body of white and negro special policemen, so called, he shut himself up in the hall over the Old Market, where he went into the "pig-head" business. He denied the right of the Governor to appoint a City Council, and the right of the Council to elect a Mayor, and, in short, any right but his own to hold on to the Mayoralty, notwithstanding that he is a United States officer, and therefore ineligible to the office of Mayor. The full details of all the proceedings will be found in our local columns. When day dawned yesterday it was found that Chahoon had turned rioter, and with his mottled crew had shut himself up in the Market Hall. The new Mayor, Mr. H. K. Ellyson, "accepted the situation," and stationed his police forces about the market, cutting off all communication with the rioters. He also cut off the gas and the water, and no supplies of any kind were allowed them. Under the general order no person was allowed to enter the hall they occupied, and among those who applied for admission was Mr. Bond, the famous commissioner in bankruptcy. Being denied admission by the police, he got out warrants for the arrest of Mr. Ellyson, and the Chief of Police, and the captains, on the ground that they obstructed communication with a Federal officer. They responded to this paltry proceeding, gave bail, were discharged, and promptly returned to their duty. Thus stood the matter last night-poor Chahoon, the shallow dupe of the little farce, being still in the midst of his hungry rioters in the dark, sleeping on their arms--a hard bed. The New Government has possession of the City Hall-the seat of government-and the rioters hold out over the market, with meat everywhere and not a mouthful to eat. It is certain the little rebellion in a tea-pot must wind up in a few hours: only bringing-if that is possible--further disgrace upon those who got it up.</text>
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              <text>http://virginiachronicle.com/cgi-bin/virginia?a=d&amp;d=DD18700318.1.2&amp;e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN-------</text>
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                <text>1870-03-18</text>
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                <text>SimmondsCharles-18700318-TheTrickstersRebellion.pdf</text>
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                <text>Richmond Daily Dispatch</text>
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                <text>The Tricksters' Rebellion.</text>
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